Sound change, misanalysis, and analogy in the Bantu causative

In this paper I document and analyze a number of analogical reanalyses due the process of pre-high-vowel “frication” triggered by the Proto-Bantu causative suffix *-i̧-. A first set of complexities arises from the interaction of the causative suffix with applicative *-idand perfective *-ii̧d-e. A second set of complexities derives from the prevocalic gliding of *-ii̧to [y] when this latter is absorbed into the preceding fricative, e.g., s-y-a > [sa]. In the first case, interesting "cyclic" phonology properties result; in the second case, non-causative roots which happen to end in [s] may acquire other phonological properties of causatives.